Research into the insurance clerk in Victorian England provides a fascinating occupational study in an era which saw a notable growth of office staff. In terms of social class, insurance clerks in this era stood above the labouring workforce yet they were regarded as largely separate from the middle classes. It was particularly towards the end of the 19th century that there was a considerable expansion in the recruitment of insurance clerks.

Although historian Timothy Alborn confirms that there were ‘disparities in pay and status’, certain practices and trends can be identified. The number of insurance clerks increased from just under 50,000 in 1841 to approximately 180,000 in 1881. This expansion can partly be explained by the vast growth of demand for insurance and the accompanying increase in record keeping and correspondence. Archives of individual firms towards the end of Queen Victoria’s reign reveal that they recruited an average of as many as 160 clerks as opposed to 40 in the 1850s. Calculations performed by such clerks reached into the millions.

The large volume of transactions is apparent from the Royal Exchange Assurance company which in 1863 produced 9,500 fire policies, and within its shipping department 19,000 contracts. The vast extent of work is evidenced in the case of other insurance companies: Active Life in 1859 undertook as many as one million calculations.

Recruitment, training and pay
Recruits were expected to have good handwriting and to be both literate and numerate. In short, the clerk was supposed to be ‘well educated’. But not all clerks were expected to be expert in maths, finding that employment drew upon other business skills such as effective supervisory or sales skills. They were also regarded as a cut above their railway and shipping counterparts. In certain sectors, clerks not working in insurance or banking received far less pay and had to put up with poor office conditions.

Training was not formal, and the skills learned by insurance clerks did not involve special or systematic preparation, but instead relied on candidates who had undergone a broad general education. Insurance clerks were in fact among the highest paid in the clerical profession. Salaries for the insurance clerk could be as high as £700 a year. Pay increases occurred during the second half of the 19th century; in 1893 as many as 20,000 were employed in the life companies alone. Yet there were cases where the terms of employment were not so generous to the clerk, and some received a salary below the occupational highs of £600 to £700. Preference was given to those whose families were known to the insurance company. Family employment was often the case, with fathers and sons or brothers working together. Nomination by a director was usually the only way to secure the job.

The average insurance clerk’s pay, while above that of clerks in general, still did not match or exceed the income of the independent businessman or entrepreneur. The industrial revolution brought with it an array of new occupations, and it should be emphasised that insurance clerks were paid more than factory workers, bricklayers, retail staff, coalminers and elementary teachers, and by one account, even more than medical doctors. Insurance clerks also benefited from the permanent status built into their contracts.

The offer of work was seen as a privilege and competition among prospective clerks was fierce. As soon as a vacancy occurred, companies were flooded with applications, so much so that many were prepared to take on the job even without pay. Once the integrity of individual clerks was established, they would be equipped solely with inkwells and measuring tools. In the 1880s and 1890s, clerkships in insurances companies based in the City of London were regarded as ‘plum’ jobs and on a par to corresponding posts in the Bank of England.

Terms and practices of employment
The norm for most clerks was to be in the office six days a week for most of their working years. Yet not all staff were subjected to strict rules. The Sea Insurance Company, for example, in the 1850s adopted a rather casual approach to its employees’ output. Adherence to set office hours could be informal, and managers were not strict in giving orders, nor draconian in their treatment of staff. Turning up to work at the office after 9.30 did not always meet with any penalty or disciplinary action. Despite such employment patterns and informality, the clerks could generally look forward to increasing salaries.

Where the prospect of promotion seemed doubtful, some clerks studied maths in an attempt to work as statisticians, which promised better pay and perks. But by the end of the 19th century, such a path, given the expansion in the provision of insurance, resulted in ‘bottlenecks’ in the promotion process. To compensate, insurance companies increasingly resorted to the introduction of better pension schemes and leisure activities. Generous holiday entitlement for clerks became the norm. The weekly hours could be far less when compared to those in other industries, even by modern standards, and it was not unusual for staff to start work at 10am and to finish at 4pm. Examples of such working hours were to be found at the Globe and the Royal Exchange. The ’job for life’ principle was not always applied to, though, and at the Royal Exchange clerks tended to be employed there for about ten years. The clerks’ overall package was welcomed by many, and still ranked as highly acceptable to staff seeking work in Victorian Britain.

Insurance clerks and the family historian
The Chartered Insurance Institute (CII) in London might seem a good starting point for family historians carrying out research into the ancestry of the Victorian insurance clerk. But Donna Gibbons, an assistant there, told me that the CII is an award body only, and she suggests that staffing numbers and specific employee records, including salary details, are more likely to be found elsewhere. Prudential plc is a case in point. It offers access to archival material concerning all kinds of original and helpful records relating to its work. The bulk of data goes back to the 1870s, and the company provides help to researchers and to those seeking assistance.

A cursory look at The National Archives’ Discovery website with references to such bodies as the Amicable Society might suggest that here is a substantial body of insurance records. However, data is largely restricted to World War One and the Holocaust. Files on German insurance are also available, but I emphasise that there are very few records on insurance clerks in Victorian Britain. One exception is reference LAB 83/3107 which covers such clerks in Scotland, but even these records are of little value as they were produced after 1900.

On a more positive note, The Royal Exchange Assurance A History of British Insurance 1720–1970 (Cambridge University Press, 1970) is an important book giving help, valuable in terms of highlighting the history of one company, but also providing a fascinating and informative account of insurance going back to the 18th century. More general reference studies, such as Family Insurance Records for Family and Local Historians by David Hawkings (Francis Boutle Publishers, 2003) should not be overlooked.

Whether taking up an interest in social and economic history generally or as part of a family history project, research into the past lives and careers of the insurance clerk can be highly rewarding. Victorian Britain was unique in becoming the first workshop of the world, and the growth of the service industries was an important component in Britain’s industrial revolution. The pioneering influence of insurance clerks brought about support and commitment providing a vital aspect of business and commercial development at home and overseas. {